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Mikhail Frolenko

Mikhail Frolenko


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Mikhail Frolenko, en pensioneret sergentmajor, blev født i Stavropol i november 1848. Han studerede ved St. Petersburg Institute of Technology og kom i 1871 ind på Petrovskoe Agricultural Academy i Moskva.

Frolenko blev involveret i revolutionær politik, og i 1873 blev han medlem af Moskva -grenen af ​​Tchaikovsky -cirklen. Ifølge Den store sovjetiske encyklopædi (1979): "Han gik under jorden i 1874 og fra 1875 til 1877 var på linje med de sydlige oprørere. Frolenko hjalp VF Kostiurin med at flygte i 1877 og V. Stefanovich, LG Deutsch og IV Bokhanovskii undslap i 1878. Han deltog i et forsøg for at frigøre PI Voinaraliskii og i graven af ​​en passage under Kherson Treasury i 1879. "

I 1878 blev Frolenko medlem af Land and Liberty og deltog i organisationens Lipetsk- og Voronezh -kongresser. Efter dannelsen af ​​folkets testamente blev han sendt på rundvisning i det sydlige Rusland på jagt efter rekrutter. Frolenko, medlem af forretningsudvalget, var enig i beslutningen om at forsøge at myrde tsar Alexander II. Der blev dannet et direktivudvalg bestående af Frolenko, Andrei Zhelyabov, Timofei Mikhailov, Lev Tikhomirov, Vera Figner, Sophia Perovskaya og Anna Yakimova. Zhelyabov blev betragtet som gruppens leder. Figner anså ham imidlertid for at være anmassende og manglende dybde: "Han havde ikke lidt nok. For ham var alt håb og lys." Zhelyabov havde en magnetisk personlighed og havde ry for at have en stærk indflydelse på kvinder.

Zhelyabov og Perovskaya forsøgte at bruge nitroglycerin til at ødelægge tsartoget. Terroristen fejlberegnede dog, og det ødelagde i stedet et andet tog. Et forsøg på at sprænge Kamenny -broen i Skt. Petersborg, da zaren passerede den, var også uden held. Figner gav Zhelyabov skylden for disse fejl, men andre i gruppen følte, at han havde været uheldig frem for inkompetent.

I november 1879 lykkedes det Stefan Khalturin at finde arbejde som tømrer i Vinterpaladset. Ifølge Adam Bruno Ulam, forfatteren af Profeter og konspiratorer i det prærevolutionære Rusland (1998): "Der var, uforståeligt som det ser ud, ingen sikkerhedskontrol af arbejdsmanden ansat på paladset. Stephan Khalturin, en snedker, længe eftersøgt af politiet som en af ​​arrangørerne af Northern Union af russiske arbejdere, fandt ingen problemer ved at søge og få et job der under et falsk navn. Forholdene på paladset, at dømme ud fra hans rapporter til revolutionære venner, indbegrebet Russlands selv: den ydre pragt af kejserens bolig skjulte et totalt kaos i dets ledelse: folk vandrede ind og ud, og kejserlige tjenere, der strålede i livery, blev betalt helt ned til femten rubler om måneden og blev tvunget til at ty til pilfering. Det arbejdende mandskab fik lov til at sove i en kælderlejlighed direkte under spisestuen. "

Khalturin henvendte sig til George Plekhanov om muligheden for at bruge denne mulighed til at dræbe zar Alexander II. Han afviste ideen, men satte ham i kontakt med folkets vilje, der var engageret i en attentatspolitik. Det blev aftalt, at Khalturin skulle forsøge at dræbe zaren, og hver dag bragte han pakker med dynamit, leveret af Anna Yakimova og Nikolai Kibalchich, ind i sit værelse og skjulte det i sit sengetøj.

Den 17. februar 1880 konstruerede Stefan Khalturin en mine i bygningens kælder under spisestuen. Minen gik i gang klokken halv seks på det tidspunkt, hvor Folkets vilje havde beregnet, at Alexander II ville spise sin middag. Hans hovedgæst, prins Alexander af Battenburg, var imidlertid ankommet sent, og middagen blev forsinket, og spisestuen var tom. Alexander var uskadt, men syvogfyrre mennesker blev dræbt eller hårdt såret af eksplosionen.

Folkets vilje kontaktede den russiske regering og hævdede, at de ville aflyse terrorkampagnen, hvis det russiske folk fik en forfatning, der gav frie valg og stoppede censur. Den 25. februar 1880 meddelte Alexander II, at han overvejede at give det russiske folk en forfatning. For at vise hans gode vilje blev en række politiske fanger løsladt fra fængslet. Indenrigsministeren Mikhail Loris-Melikof fik til opgave at udarbejde en forfatning, der ville tilfredsstille reformatorerne, men samtidig bevare enevældens beføjelser. Samtidig oprettede det russiske politi et særligt afsnit, der omhandlede intern sikkerhed. Denne enhed blev til sidst kendt som Okhrana. Under Loris-Melikofs kontrol begyndte undercoveragenter at slutte sig til politiske organisationer, der kæmpede for sociale reformer.

Folkets vilje blev stadig mere vred over den russiske regerings undladelse af at offentliggøre detaljer om den nye forfatning. De begyndte derfor at lægge planer for endnu et attentatforsøg. De involverede i handlingen omfattede Frolenko, Sophia Perovskaya, Andrei Zhelyabov, Vera Figner, Anna Yakimova, Grigory Isaev, Gesia Gelfman, Nikolai Sablin, Ignatei Grinevitski, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Timofei Mikhailov, Tatiana Lebedeva.

Isaev og Yakimova fik til opgave at forberede de bomber, der var nødvendige for at dræbe zaren. Isaev lavede en teknisk fejl, og en bombe sprang kraftigt og beskadigede hans højre hånd. Yakimova tog ham på hospitalet, hvor hun passede over hans seng for at forhindre ham i at krænke sig selv i hans delirium. Så snart han kom til bevidstheden, insisterede han på at forlade, selvom han nu manglede tre fingre i sin højre hånd. Han var ude af stand til at arbejde videre, og Yakimova havde nu alene ansvaret for at forberede bomberne.

I denne periode giftede Frolenko sig med Tatiana Lebedeva for at hjælpe dem i plottene mod zar Alexander II. Ifølge Cathy Porter: "Frolenko og Tatiana flyttede til Tula, hvor de var gift. De første dage i Odessa havde de været på formelle vilkår med hinanden, selvom situationen krævede, at de fortsatte med at vise ægteskabelig intimitet for til gavn for deres naboer. I den uge, de tilbragte sammen, lærte de imidlertid at overvinde deres gensidige mistillid. Tatianaa opstod ikke som en sentimental idealist, men som en beskeden arbejder, med en subtil sarkastisk sans for humor, en passion for poesi og bemærkelsesværdige evner udholdenhed. Hun var ikke en øm kvinde, men hun synes at have imponeret alle med sin intense loyalitet og integritet. Frolenko viste sig nu ikke længere for hende som en hjerteløs manipulerende terrorist. De blev lidenskabeligt glad for hinanden og lovede at arbejde sammen, når som helst muligt. Kort efter deres ægteskab vendte de sammen tilbage til hovedstaden. "

Okhrana opdagede, at deres plan var at dræbe Alexander II. En af deres ledere, Andrei Zhelyabov, blev anholdt den 28. februar 1881, men nægtede at give nogen oplysninger om sammensværgelsen. Han fortalte selvsikkert politiet, at intet de kunne gøre ville redde zarens liv. Alexander Kviatkovsky, et andet medlem af attentatholdet, blev kort efter anholdt.

Konspiratorerne besluttede at angribe den 1. marts 1881. Sophia Perovskaya var bekymret for, at zaren nu ville ændre sin rute for sin søndagstur. Hun gav derfor ordre om bombefly til ham, der blev placeret langs Ekaterinskij -kanalen. Grigory Isaev havde lagt en mine på Malaya Sadovaya -gaden, og Anna Yakimova skulle se fra vinduet i hendes lejlighed, og da hun så vognen nærme sig, gav han signal til Mikhail Frolenko.

Zar Alexander II besluttede at rejse langs Ekaterinskij -kanalen. En bevæbnet Kosak sad sammen med vognmanden, og yderligere seks kosakker fulgte på hesteryg. Bag dem kom en gruppe politifolk i slæder. Perovskaya, der var stationeret i krydset mellem de to ruter, gav signalet til Nikolai Rysakov og Timofei Mikhailov om at smide deres bomber mod zarens vogn. Bomberne savnede vognen og landede i stedet blandt kosakkerne. Zaren var uskadt, men insisterede på at komme ud af vognen for at kontrollere de sårede mænds tilstand. Mens han stod sammen med de sårede kosakker kastede en anden terrorist, Ignatei Grinevitski, sin bombe. Alexander blev dræbt øjeblikkeligt, og eksplosionen var så stor, at Grinevitski også døde af bombeeksplosionen.

Nikolai Rysakov, en af ​​bombeflyene blev anholdt på gerningsstedet. Sophia Perovskaya fortalte sine kammerater: "Jeg kender Rysakov, og han vil ikke sige noget." Rysakov blev dog tortureret af Okhrana og blev tvunget til at give oplysninger om de andre sammensværgere. Den følgende dag angreb politiet lejligheden, der blev brugt af terroristerne. Gesia Gelfman blev anholdt, men Nikolai Sablin begik selvmord, før han kunne tages levende. Kort tid efter gik Timofei Mikhailov i fælden og blev anholdt.

Tusinder af kosakker blev sendt til Skt. Petersborg, og vejspærringer blev oprettet, og alle ruter ud af byen blev spærret. Der blev udstedt en arrestordre på Sophia Perovskaya. Hendes livvagt, Tyrkov, hævdede, at hun syntes at have "mistet forstanden" og nægtede at forsøge at flygte fra byen. Ifølge Tyrkov var hendes største bekymring at udvikle en plan for at redde Andrei Zhelyabov fra fængslet. Hun blev deprimeret, da aviserne den 3. marts rapporterede, at Zhelyabov havde påtaget sig det fulde ansvar for attentatet og derfor underskrev sin egen dødsordre.

Perovskaya blev anholdt, mens han gik langs Nevsky Prospect den 10. marts. Senere samme måned blev Mikhail Frolenko, Nikolai Kibalchich og Grigory Isaev også anholdt. Det lykkedes dog andre medlemmer af sammensværgelsen, herunder Vera Figner og Anna Yakimova, at flygte fra byen. Perovskaya blev afhørt af Vyacheslav Plehve, direktøren for politiafdelingen. Hun indrømmede sin deltagelse i attentatet, men nægtede at navngive nogen af ​​hendes medsammensvorne.

Retssagen mod Zhelyabov, Perovskaya, Kibalchich, Rysakov, Helfman og Mikhailov, indledtes den 25. marts 1881. Anklager Muraviev læste sin uhyre lange tale, der omfattede passagen: "Udkastet af mænd, forbandet af deres land, må de svare for deres forbrydelser for den Almægtige Gud! Men fred og ro vil blive genoprettet. Rusland ydmyger sig selv for denne forsynets vilje, der har ført hende igennem en så brændende tro på hendes herlige fremtid. "

Sophia Perovskaya, Andrei Zhelyabov, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Gesia Gelfman og Timofei Mikhailov blev alle dømt til døden. Gelfman meddelte, at hun var fire måneder gravid, og det blev besluttet at udsætte hendes henrettelse. Perovskaya, som medlem af den høje adel, kunne hun appellere sin straf, men hun nægtede at gøre dette. Det blev hævdet, at Rysakov var blevet sindssyg under forhør. Kibalchich viste også tegn på, at han var mentalt ubalanceret og talte konstant om en flyvende maskine, han havde opfundet.

Den 3. april 1881 fik Zhelyabov, Perovskaya, Kibalchich, Rysakov og Mikhailov te og overrakte deres sorte henrettelsestøj. Et plakat blev hængt om halsen med ordet "tsaricid" på. Cathy Porter, forfatteren til Fædre og døtre: Russiske kvinder i revolution (1976), har påpeget: "Så gik festen i gang. Den blev ledet af politivognen, efterfulgt af Zhelyabov og Rysakov. Sophia sad sammen med Kibalchich og Mikhailov i den tredje tumbril. En bleg vinterlig sol skinnede, da festen bevægede sig langsomt gennem gaderne, der allerede var fyldt med tilskuere, de fleste vinker og råber opmuntring. Høje embedsmænd og dem, der var rige nok til at få billetterne, sad tæt på stilladset, der var blevet rejst på Semenovsky -pladsen. Den uerstattelige Frolov, Ruslands eneste ene bøddel, fusket beruset med stængerne, og Sophia og Zhelyabov kunne sige et par sidste ord til hinanden. Pladsen var omgivet af tolv tusinde tropper og dæmpede trommeslag lød. Sophia og Zhelyabov kyssede for sidste gang, derefter Mikhailov og Kibalchich kyssede Sophia. Kibalchich blev ført til galgen og hængt. Så var det Mikhailovs tur. Frolov kunne nu næsten ikke se lige og rebet brød tre gange under Mikhai lov's vægt. " Det var nu Perovskayas tur. "Det er for stramt" sagde hun til ham, mens han kæmpede for at binde løkken. Hun døde med det samme, men Zhelyabov, hvis strop ikke havde været stram nok, døde i smerte.

Gesia Gelfman forblev i fængsel. Ifølge hendes veninde, Olga Liubatovich: "Gesia forsvandt under truslen om henrettelse i fem måneder; endelig blev hendes dom omdannet, lige før hun skulle afsone. Af myndighedernes hænder blev den frygtelige fødselshandling et tilfælde af tortur hidtil uden fortilfælde i menneskets historie. Til leveringen overførte de hende til frihedsberøvelse. De kvaler, som fattige Gesia Gelfman led, overskred dem, der blev drømt af bødlerne i middelalderen; men Gesia blev ikke gal - hendes forfatning var for stærk . Barnet blev født live, og hun var endda i stand til at pleje det. " Kort efter hun fødte, blev hendes datter taget fra hende. Gelfman døde fem dage senere den 12. oktober 1882.

Frolenko, Anna Yakimova, Grigory Isaev, Tatiana Lebedeva og seksten andre partimedlemmer blev anholdt og retssag. Selvom de alle blev fundet skyldige, blev de på grund af de internationale protester af Victor Hugo og andre kendte personer ikke dømt til døden. I stedet blev de sendt til Trubetskov Dungeon. Som Cathy Porter har påpeget: "De, der blev dømt i retssagen mod de 20, blev sendt til Trubetskov -fangehullet, et af de mest forfærdelige af russiske fængsler. Få overlevede prøven; tortur og voldtægt var dagligdags begivenheder i fangehullerne, gennem hvis lydisolerede mure nåede lidt information omverdenen .... Efter et år i Trubetskoy, hvor de fleste af fangerne var døde eller begik selvmord. "

Anna Yakimova havde sin baby i fængslet og måtte passe ham nat og dag for at beskytte ham mod rotter. I 1883 blev hun og Frolenkos kone, Tatiana Lebedeva overført til Kara Prison Mines. Turen nordpå, som var til fods, varede to år, var næppe bedre end livet i Trubetskov Dungeon. Da det var klart, at hendes baby ikke ville overleve den lange rejse, gav Yakimova den væk til "nogle velvillige, der var kommet ud for at hilse fangerne med meddelelser om støtte og tårer i sympati"

Kvinderne sluttede sig til andre revolutionære såsom Catherine Breshkovskaya og Anna Korba i Kara. Anna var femogtyve år gammel, da hun nåede fængselsminerne. Tatiana, tre år ældre, var i en dårlig sundhedstilstand og blev beskrevet som en "halvblind, barberet hoved, for tidligt ældet krøbling". På trods af at hun blev passet af Korba, som var en kvalificeret læge, døde hun i en alder af 34 år i 1887.

Frolenko forblev i fængsel indtil den russiske revolution i 1905. Han blev frigivet i oktober 1905 og boede i Gelendzhik, hvor han bidrog til tidsskriftet Byloe. Frolenko flyttede til Moskva i 1922, hvor han blev medlem af Society of Former Political Fanger and Exiles og tjente i redaktionen for tidsskriftet Katorga Issylka. Han sluttede sig til det russiske kommunistparti i 1936.

Mikhail Frolenko døde i Moskva den 15. februar 1938.

Frolenko, søn af en pensioneret sergentmajor, tog eksamen fra Stavropol ’Gymnasium i 1870. Petersburg Institute of Technology og kom i 1871 ind på Petrovskoe Agricultural Academy i Moskva. I 1873 og 1874 var han medlem af Moskva -grenen af ​​Chaikovskii -kredsen; han fortsatte med propaganda blandt arbejderne og deltog i bevægelsen "gå til folket" i Ural. Han gik under jorden i 1874 og fra 1875 til 1877 var på linje med de sydlige oprørere. Kostiurin flugt i 1877 og la. Voinaral’-skii og i graven af ​​en passage under Kherson Treasury i 1879.

I 1878 blev Frolenko medlem af Land and Liberty og deltog i organisationens Lipetsk- og Voronezh -kongresser. Efter dannelsen af ​​folkets testamente tjente han i dets forretningsudvalg og deltog i forsøg på at myrde kejser Alexander II i november 1879 nær Odessa og den 1. marts 1881. Han blev anholdt den 17. marts 1881 i Sankt Petersborg og i retssagen mod de 20 blev dømt til døden, en dom, der blev omdannet til hårdt arbejde for livet.

Frolenko og Tatiana flyttede til Tula, hvor de blev gift. De første dage i Odessa havde de været på formelle vilkår med hinanden, selvom situationen krævede, at de fortsatte med at vise ægteskabelig intimitet til gavn for deres naboer. Kort efter deres ægteskab vendte de tilbage til hovedstaden sammen.


Биография

Он был сыном фельдфебеля в отставке. В 1870 г. окончил Ставропольскую гимназию, затем учился в Петербургском технологическом институте, с 1871 г. - в Петровской сельскохозяйственной академии в Москве.

В 1873–1874 годах Фроленко состоял в московском кружке чайковцев, вел агитацию среди рабочих, участвовал i «хождеи С 1874 года он находился в нелегальном положении. С 1878 г. член общества «Земля и свобода», участник Липецкого og Воронежского съездов.

С появлением «Народной воли» - член ее исполкома, участник покушений på императора Александра II i ноябре 1879 г. под Одессой и 1 марта 1881 г. Арестован 17. marts 1881 г. в Санкт-Петербурге. На «Процессе 20-ти» Фроленко был приговорен к смертной казни, замененной вечными каторжными работами, которые он отбыл в Алексеевском равелине с 1884 года в Шлиссельбургской крепости. Выпущен в октябре 1905 г.

В 1908–1917 жил в Геленджике под надзором полиции, сотрудничал в журнале «Белое».

С 1922 г. - Москве, член Общества бывших политзаключенных og ссыльных переселенцев og редакции журналы «Каторга


Indhold

Dannelsen af ​​jord og frihed i Sankt Petersborg i 1876 blev efterfulgt af en analyse af kampagnen "kald til folket" (Хождение в народ, eller Khozhdeniye v narod) fra 1873-1875. Som et resultat definerede medlemmerne af Land and Liberty det grundlæggende i den politiske platform, som ville blive kaldt narodnicheskaya (народническая, eller "tæt på folket", populistisk). De indrømmede muligheden for en særlig, ikke-kapitalistisk udviklingsmåde for Rusland med bønder som grundlag. Medlemmerne af Land og Frihed anså det for nødvendigt at tilpasse bevægelsens formål og slagord til uafhængige revolutionære ambitioner, der allerede havde eksisteret blandt bønderne, som de troede. Disse krav, generaliseret i sloganet "Land og frihed!", Var designet til at muliggøre overgang af alle landene "i hænderne på landdistrikterne", jævn fordeling af jorden, "fuld kommunal selvforvaltning" og opdeling af det russiske imperium i dele "i overensstemmelse med lokalbefolkningens ønsker". Land og frihed stod for oprettelsen af ​​permanente "revolutionære bosættelser" på landet med det formål at forberede en folkerevolution. [ citat nødvendig ]

Medlemmerne af Land og Frihed så bønderne som den vigtigste revolutionære kraft, i modsætning til arbejderklassen, der skulle spille en del af den "anden fele". Ud fra det uundgåelige ved et "tvunget statskup", fandt revolutionærerne agitation og organisering af oprør, demonstrationer og strejker som meget vigtige. Land og frihed repræsenterede en "oprørsk" strøm af den revolutionære bevægelse i 1870'erne. Vladimir Lenin sagde, at Land and Liberty's fortjeneste var dets ønske om at ". Tiltrække al utilfredsheden og lede organisationen mod afgørende kamp mod enevældighed". Disciplin, gensidig kammeratlig kontrol, centralisme og konspiration blev denne organisations principper. [ citat nødvendig ]

Land og Libertys mest fremtrædende medlemmer fra begyndelsen var Mark Natanson, Alexander Mikhailov, Aleksei Oboleshev, Georgi Plekhanov, Aleksandr Kvyatkovsky, Dmitry Lizogub, Valerian Osinsky, Osip Aptekman, Nikolai Rusanov m.fl. Senere ville Sergey Kravchinsky, Dmitry Klements, Nikolai Morozov, Sophia Perovskaya, Lev Tikhomirov, Mikhail Frolenko (alle sammen - Chaikovtsi) senere slutte sig til Land og Liberty. Vera Figners klub delte synspunkterne om og samarbejdede med Land and Liberty. Organisationen havde tætte bånd med revolutionærerne i Kiev, Kharkiv og Odessa. [ citat nødvendig ]

Revolutionærerne valgte at "bosætte sig" i provinserne Saratov, Nizhny Novgorod, Samara, Astrakhan, Tambov, Pskov, Voronezh, Don -regionen og andre. De forsøgte også at sprede deres revolutionære aktiviteter i det nordlige Kaukasus og Ural. Land og frihed organiserede hemmelig udgivelse og distribution af den revolutionære litteratur, udførte propaganda blandt arbejdere og deltog i flere strejker i Petersborg i 1878-1879. Det påvirkede også udviklingen af ​​studenterbevægelsen ved at organisere eller støtte demonstrationer i Petersborg og andre byer, herunder den såkaldte Kazan-demonstration fra 1876, hvor de åbent ville indrømme organisationens eksistens for første gang. [ citat nødvendig ]

Programmet for jord og frihed forestillede sig også et handlingsforløb, der sigter mod "desorganisering af staten", efter dets medlemmer. Især muliggjorde det fysisk fjernelse af "de mest skadelige eller fremtrædende medlemmer af regeringen". Den mest berømte terrorhandling Land og Liberty var mordet på chefen for gendarmerne Nikolai Mezentsov i 1878. Land og frihed betragtede imidlertid endnu ikke terror som et middel til politisk kamp mod det eksisterende regime, og opfattede det som revolutionerende selv- forsvar og deres hævn over for regeringen. [ citat nødvendig ]

Land og Libertys skuffelse over den revolutionære aktivitet på landet, intensivering af regeringens undertrykkelser og politisk utilfredshed under den russisk-tyrkiske krig, 1877-78 og modning af den revolutionære situation begunstigede opfattelsen og udviklingen af ​​de nye følelser i organisationen selv. I foråret 1879 blev fraktionen af ​​politiske terrorister dannet i Land and Liberty

Uenigheder mellem tilhængerne af den tidligere strategi om at opildne til landskabet kaldte derevenschiki, eller "landsbyboere" (Georgi Plekhanov, Mikhail Popov [ru], Osip Aptekman osv.) og forsvarere for overgang til politisk kamp ved hjælp af systematiske terrormetoder kaldet politikere (Aleksandr Mikhailov, Aleksandr Kvyatkovsky, Nikolai Morozov, Lev Tikhomirov osv.) Førte til indkaldelsen af ​​Voronezh Congress of Land and Liberty i juni 1879, hvor de to rivaliserende grupper ville nå et kortvarigt kompromis.

I august 1879 brød Land og Liberty imidlertid op i to uafhængige organisationer: Narodnaya Volya og Chernyi Peredel. [ citat nødvendig ]


ExecutedToday.com

Han er gået til sin død gennem et tilsyn fra min side. Det var en tåbelig ting for mig at have tegnet revolveren, men jeg var i spiritus, ellers havde jeg aldrig gjort det. Jeg kunne ikke kontrollere begivenheden. Jeg tog derhen udelukkende i et spørgsmål om forretning, og min virksomhed var meget enkel og meget almindelig. Resultatet blev, som det var. Jeg er parat til at dø.

-George Bennett

George Bennett blev hængt i Toronto på denne dato i 1880 for at have myrdet George Brown.

Langt det mere konsekvente tal i transaktionen var offeret. En af forbundets fædre, den visionære skotske emigre testamenterede landet, han hjalp med at forme institutioner som Venstre og Toronto Globe (nu den Globe og Mail, efter en fusion fra det 20. århundrede med en rivaliserende avis). Hans personlige og politiske rivalisering med den konservative løve John A. Macdonald og “ Great Coalition ” dannet af disse to for at styre en vaklende politi, der er fastlåst af de gensidige vetoer anglofoner og frankofoner mod det canadiske forbund, er genstand for et fint 2011 CBC film, John A .: Fødsel af et land.

Brown ’s morder, og vores date ’s rektor, var Brown ’s medarbejder i fem-ish år, som ingeniør i fyrrummet. Han havde et uroligt, kaotisk liv, præget af hyppige husstandsforstyrrelser og stærkt drikke. Det var hans tilbøjelighed til at møde op på beruset, der satte gang i tragedien, for hans forkert håndtering af kedlen en nat tidligt i 1880 førte til hans afskedigelse af værkføreren.

Bennett var en stor ordskribent og producerede i denne tid kopi efter vendinger hævnfulde og fortvivlede, og selvfølgelig blev han ved med at slå flasken. Den 25. marts dukkede han op på sin tidligere arbejdsplads, hvor han rasende anklagede flere tidligere kolleger. Sidst på eftermiddagen fandt han vej til George Brown ’s kontor, og inviterede sig til at fortsætte med at importere forlaget med sine uordnede klager. Til sidst pressede han på Brown for at underskrive et papir, der bekræftede hans ansættelsestid. Brown anede ikke meget om, hvem denne uforskammede berusede var, og endnu mindre, at den uforskammede berusede var bevæbnet chefens forsøg på at omdirigere Bennett til sin tilsynsførende eller forretningsadministratorerne for at imødekomme hans anmodning om papirer, rasede hans tidligere medarbejder, der pludselig frembragte en pistol og gennem en slagsmål satte en bold ind i George Brown.

Man ville ikke tro, at skaden på billedet ovenfor faktisk ville være dødelig den næste dag ’s Globus jublede over, at “Igår eftermiddag fandt et af de mest opløftige og frygtelige mordforsøg, der nogensinde er foretaget i denne by, sted på det private kontor i Hon. George Brown i Globe -bygningen. Heldigvis, hovedsageligt ved hr. Browns tilstedeværelse af sind og overlegne fysiske styrke, var forsøget uden succes, de eneste resultater var et alvorligt kødsår på låret og den nervøse nedbøjning, som er det uundgåelige resultat af et sådant møde. Havde den kriminelle, der gjorde det morderiske overgreb, været lidt hurtigere til at tage sit mål, eller havde pistolen været af en anden konstruktion, kunne forsøget næppe have resulteret så gunstigt, for han vedblev i sine bestræbelser på at gennemføre sit blodige formål, indtil han blev overmandet, og våbnet blev slettet fra hans greb. ” Men lettelsen viste sig for tidlig, da bensåret revet af Bennett ’s kugle blev gangren og til sidst — syv uger senere — dræbte Brown.

Monumenter for den myrdede statsmand florerer i Canada, herunder det andet kejserlige hjem, han byggede og døde i, bevaret som det historiske George Brown House og George Brown College. Hans whiskered statue skrider på Parliament Hill.

Brown ’s enke vendte tilbage til Skotland med sine børn, og den canadiske helt ’s søn George Mackenzie Brown fulgte sin fars karriere i både trykning og politik: pr. Wikipedia, “ Som udgiver producerede han Arthur Conan Doyle ’s bøger som politiker slog han ham for at vinde valget til Underhuset. ”


Vera Figner - Nacht über Rußland

Alle reden wieder von Revolution. Ja det kræver en revolution. Wieder eine Revolution, doch ist die Aufgabe zu grandios. Die revolution kan ikke bruges, og vi vil ikke have en seriøs dafür vorbereiten müssen. Was macht es für einen Sinn, wenn sich wieder die Unterdrückten an die Stelle der ehemaligen Unterdrücker sætte? Sie werden selber zu Raubtieren, og det er sandsynligt, at vi kan [. ]. Wir müssen heute anfangen mit seriöser Erziehungsarbeit an uns selber, und andre dazu einladen [. ]. Wenn der Mensch endlich erkennt, daß der Mensch eine Hoheitliche Individualität besitzt, daß er einen enormen Wert hat, daß er ebenso frei ist wie jeder other, former dann fullzieht sich die letzte, schillernde and geographic Revolution und für immer were die "rostigen Ketten" faldt.

VERA FIGNER, barn af velstående forældre, blev født i Kazan, Rusland, den 25. juni 1852. Den ældste af seks børn, hun blev sendt væk til en privatskole i 1863. Hendes onkel havde liberale synspunkter og opfordrede hende til at være bekymret om de fattige.

Vera ville på universitetet, men dette var ikke tilladt i Rusland på nuværende tidspunkt. I 1872 besluttede hun sammen med sin søster, Lydia Figner, at studere medicin i Zürich. Hun fortalte en ven: "Efter min mening burde man vide mere for at være mere nyttig, men hvor kan du lære, hvad du vil gøre? Jeg tror, ​​at kun universitetet er så meget værd, at en kvinde kunne ofre alt for det. Men i Rusland er denne måde lukket for kvinder. Derfor. Jeg har besluttet at tage til Zürich. Vi vender tilbage til vores land og organiserer livet på en fin måde. Jeg skal organisere et hospital og åbne en skole eller et håndværksinstitut. Jeg skal stoppe intet, fordi hele denne plan ikke blot er et produkt af en tom fantasi, men hele mit kød og blod, og min motivation vil være de tre behov eller mål for min eksistens: økonomisk uafhængighed, dannelsen af ​​min intelligens og nytteværdi for andre. "

Mens hun var i Zürich, mødte hun en gruppe kvinder, der havde radikale politiske holdninger. Dette omfattede Sophia Bardina og Olga Liubatovich. Anarkisten Peter Kropotkin mødte Figner og hendes venner i denne periode: "De levede som de fleste studerende gør, især kvinderne, der er på meget lidt. Te og brød, lidt mælk og et tyndt stykke kød, midt i livlige diskussioner om det seneste nyheder fra den socialistiske verden og den sidste læste bog - det var deres almindelige skæbne. Dem, der havde flere penge end der var brug for til en sådan livsstil, donerede dem til den fælles sag. Hvad angår påklædning, herskede den mest sparsomme økonomi i den retning . Vores piger i Zürich syntes trodsigt at kaste dette spørgsmål mod befolkningen der: kan der være en enkel kjole, der ikke bliver en pige, hvis hun er ung, intelligent og fuld af energi? " En anden observatør, Franziska Tiburtius, gav et mindre komplimenteret billede af denne gruppe af radikaler: Det korte hår, de enorme blå briller, den korte ganske usmykkede kjole, der lignede paraplyforing, den runde blanke matelot, cigaretten, det mørke og overdrevne alle ansigter blev betragtet som karakteristiske for den kvindelige studerende. "

Disse unge kvinders aktiviteter begyndte at bekymre de russiske myndigheder. Den russiske regeringsherald offentliggjorde en artikel den 21. maj 1872 med påstanden: "Flere russiske piger tog afsted til udlandet for at deltage i foredrag på Zürich Universitet. Først var der kun ganske få af dem, men nu er der mere end hundrede kvinder der . Largely because of this increase in Russian women students, the ring-leaders of the Russian emigration have chosen this town as a centre for revolutionary propaganda, and have done all in their power to enlist into their ranks these young women students. Under their influence , women have abandoned their studies for fruitless political agitation. Young Russians of both sexes have formed political parties of extreme shades. In the Russian Library they hold lectures of an exclusively revolutionary nature. It has become common practice for the girls to attend workers' meetings . Young and inexperienced minds are being led astray by political agitators, and set on the wrong course. And to cap it all, meetings and party struggles throw the gi rls into such confusion that they accept this fruitless and fraudulent propaganda as real life. Once drawn into politics the girls fall under the influence of the leaders of the emigration, and become compliant weapons in their hands. Some of them go from Zurich to Russia and back two or three times a year, carrying letters, instructions and proclamations and taking an active part in criminal propaganda. Others are led astray by communist theories about free love, and under pretext of fictitious marriages carry to the most extreme limits their rejection of the fundamental laws of morality and feminine virtue. The immoral conduct of Russian women has aroused the indignation of the local citizens against them, and landladies are even refusing to accept them as lodgers. Some of the girls have sunk so low as to practise that branch of obstetrics which is judged a criminal offence, and deserves the utter contempt of all honourable people."

Mikhail Bakunin meet this group of women when he visited Zurich. He urged them, to return to Russia and to carry out propaganda work. Vera Figner refused as she wanted to complete her degree but Sophia Bardina, Lydia Figner, Anna Toporkova, Berta Kaminskaya, Alexandra Khorzhevskaya, Evgenia Subbotina and Nadezhda Subbotina agreed and arrived in their homeland and found work in factories. In January 1875 the women began distributing the newspaper, Rabotnik (The Worker), that was being produced by Bakunin in Berne. It was the first Russian-language paper to focus serious attention on the urban proletariat. However, it had little impact on the largely illiterate workers. However, the Russian secret police was informed and in August 1875, Bardina, Lydia Figner and Anna Toporkova, were arrested. Soon afterwards, Olga Liubatovich and Gesia Gelfman were taken into custody.

The trial took place on 14th March, 1877. Sophia Bardina stated in court: "All of these accusations against us would be terrible if they were true. But they are based on misunderstanding. I do not reject property if it is acquired by one's own labour. Every person has a right to his own labour and its products. So why do our masters give us only one-third of our labour-value? As for the family, I also do not understand. Is it the social system that is destroying it, by forcing a woman to abandon her family and work for wretched wages in a factory, where she and her children are inevitably corrupted a system that drives a woman into prostitution through sheer poverty, and which actually sanctions this prostitution as something legitimate and necessary in any well-ordered society? Or is it we who are undermining it, we, who are attempting to eliminate this poverty, which is the chief cause of all our social ills, including the destruction of the family? As to religion, I have always been true to the principles established by the founder of Christianity, and have never propagandized against these principles. I am equally innocent of attempting to undermine the State. I do not believe any one individual is capable of destroying the State by force. If it is to be destroyed, it will be because it bears within it the embryo of its own destruction, holding as it does the people in political, economic and intellectual bondage." Bardina and Olga Liubatovich were sentenced to nine years hard labour in Siberia, whereas Gesia Gelfman and Lydia Figner got five years's hard labour in factories.

Vera Figner now returned to Russia and joined the Land and Liberty group. Most of the group, and also Vera Figner, shared Bakunin's anarchist views and demanded that Russia's land should be handed over to the peasants and the State should be destroyed. The historian, Adam Bruno Ulam, has argued: "This Party, which commemorated in its name the revolutionary grouping of the early sixties, was soon split up by quarrels about its attitude toward terror. The professed aim, the continued agitation among the peasants, grew more and more fruitless."

In October, 1879, the Land and Liberty split into two factions. The majority of members, who favoured a policy of terrorism, established the People's Will (Narodnaya Volya). Others, such as George Plekhanov formed Black Repartition, a group that rejected terrorism and supported a socialist propaganda campaign among workers and peasants. Elizabeth Kovalskaia was one of those who rejected the ideas of the People's Will: "Firmly convinced that only the people themselves could carry out a socialist revolution and that terror directed at the centre of the state (such as the People's Will advocated) would bring - at best - only a wishy-washy constitution which would in turn strengthen the Russian bourgeoisie, I joined Black Repartition, which had retained the old Land and Liberty program."

Vera Figner, Anna Korba, Andrei Zhelyabov, Timofei Mikhailov, Lev Tikhomirov, Mikhail Frolenko, Grigory Isaev, Sophia Perovskaya, Nikolai Sablin, Ignatei Grinevitski, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Gesia Gelfman, Anna Yakimova, Sergei Kravchinskii, Tatiana Lebedeva and Alexander Kviatkovsky all joined the People's Will. Figner later recalled: "We divided up the printing plant and the funds - which were in fact mostly in the form of mere promises and hopes. And as our primary aim was to substitute the will of the people for the will of one individual, we chose the name Narodnaya Volya for the new Party."

Michael Burleigh, the author of Blood & Rage: A Cultural History of Terrorism (2008), has argued that the main influence on this small group was Sergi Nechayev: "The terrorist nucleus of Land and Freedom had already adopted many of Nechayev's dubious practices, including bank robberies and murdering informers. People's Will also borrowed his tactic of suggesting to the credulous that it was the tip of a much larger revolutionary organisation - the Russian Social Revolutionary Party - which in reality was non-existent. There was an imposing-sounding Executive Committee all right, but this was coterminous with the entire membership of People's Will. In fact, People's Will never had more than thirty or forty members, who would then recruit agents for spectific tasks or to establish affiliate cells within sections of society deemed to have revolutionary potential."

Soon afterwards the People's Will decided to assassinate Alexander II. According to the historian, Joel Carmichael: "Although this populist organization retained the same humane vocabulary - revolving around socialism, faith in the people, the overthrow of the autocracy, and democratic representation - its sole objective was, in fact, the murder of the tsar. The preparation for this demanded boundless zeal, painstaking diligence, and great personal daring. In fact, the idealism of these young assassins was perhaps the most impressive thing about the whole populist movement. Though a few populist leaders were of peasant origin, most were drawn from the intelligentsia of the upper and middle classes. The motives of the latter were quite impersonal one of the things that baffled the police in stamping out the movement - in which they never succeeded - was just this combination of zeal and selflessness. The actual membership of the populist societies was relatively small. But their ideas attracted wide support, even in the topmost circles of the bureaucracy and, for that matter, in the security police as well. The upper-class origins of many of the revolutionaries meant a source of funds many idealists donated their entire fortunes to the movement."

A directive committee was formed consisting of Vera Figner, Andrei Zhelyabov, Timofei Mikhailov, Lev Tikhomirov, Mikhail Frolenko, Sophia Perovskaya and Anna Yakimova. Zhelyabov was considered the leader of the group. However, Figner considered him to be overbearing and lacking in depth: "He had not suffered enough. For him all was hope and light." Zhelyabov had a magnetic personality and had a reputation for exerting a strong influence over women.

Zhelyabov and Perovskaya attempted to use nitroglycerine to destroy the Tsar train. However, the terrorist miscalculated and it destroyed another train instead. An attempt the blow up the Kamenny Bridge in St. Petersburg as the Tsar was passing over it was also unsuccessful. Figner blamed Zhelyabov for these failures but others in the group felt he had been unlucky rather than incompetent.

In November 1879 Stefan Khalturin managed to find work as a carpenter in the Winter Palace. According to Adam Bruno Ulam, the author of Prophets and Conspirators in Pre-Revolutionary Russia (1998): "There was, incomprehensible as it seems, no security check of workman employed at the palace. Stephan Khalturin, a joiner, long sought by the police as one of the organizers of the Northern Union of Russian workers, found no difficulty in applying for and getting a job there under a false name. Conditions at the palace, judging from his reports to revolutionary friends, epitomized those of Russia itself: the outward splendor of the emperor's residence concealed utter chaos in its management: people wandered in and out, and imperial servants resplendent in livery were paid as little as fifteen rubles a month and were compelled to resort to pilfering. The working crew were allowed to sleep in a cellar apartment directly under the dining suite."

Khalturin approached George Plekhanov about the possibility of using this opportunity to kill Tsar Alexander II. He rejected the idea but did put him in touch with the People's Will who were committed to a policy of assassination. It was agreed that Khalturin should try and kill the Tsar and each day he brought packets of dynamite, supplied by Anna Yakimova and Nikolai Kibalchich, into his room and concealed it in his bedding. Cathy Porter, the author of Fathers and Daughters: Russian Women in Revolution (1976), has argued: "His workmates regarded him as a clown and a simpleton and warned him against socialists, easily identifiable apparently for their wild eyes and provocative gestures. He worked patiently, familiarizing himself with the Tsar's every movement, and by mid-January Yakimova and Kibalchich had provided him with a hundred pounds of dynamite, which he hid under his bed."

On 17th February, 1880, Stefan Khalturin constructed a mine in the basement of the building under the dinning-room. The mine went off at half-past six at the time that the People's Will had calculated Alexander II would be having his dinner. However, his main guest, Prince Alexander of Battenburg, had arrived late and dinner was delayed and the dinning-room was empty. Alexander was unharmed but sixty-seven people were killed or badly wounded by the explosion.

The People's Will became increasingly angry at the failure of the Russian government to announce details of the new constitution. They therefore began to make plans for another assassination attempt. Those involved in the plot included Vera Figner, Sophia Perovskaya, Andrei Zhelyabov, Anna Yakimova, Grigory Isaev, Gesia Gelfman, Nikolai Sablin, Ignatei Grinevitski, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Mikhail Frolenko, Timofei Mikhailov, Tatiana Lebedeva and Alexander Kviatkovsky.

Kibalchich, Isaev and Yakimova were commissioned to prepare the bombs that were needed to kill the Tsar. Isaev made some technical error and a bomb went off badly damaging his right hand. Yakimova took him to hospital, where she watched over his bed to prevent him from incriminating himself in his delirium. As soon as he regained consciousness he insisted on leaving, although he was now missing three fingers of his right hand. He was unable to continue working and Yakimova now had sole responsibility for preparing the bombs.

It was discovered that every Sunday the Tsar took a drive along Malaya Sadovaya Street. It was decided that this was a suitable place to attack. Yakimova was given the task of renting a flat in the street. Gesia Gelfman had a flat on Telezhnaya Street and this became the headquarters of the assassins whereas the home of Vera Figner was used as an explosives workshop.

Nikolai Kibalchich wanted to make a nitroglycerine bomb but Andrei Zhelyabov regarded it as "unreliable". Sophia Perovskaya favoured mining. Eventually it was decided that the Tsar's carriage should be mined, with hand grenades at the ready as a second strategy. If all else failed, one of the members of the assassination team should step forward and stab the Tsar with a dagger. It was Kibalchich's job to provide the hand grenades.

The Okhrana discovered that their was a plot to kill Alexander II. One of their leaders, Andrei Zhelyabov, was arrested on 28th February, 1881, but refused to provide any information on the conspiracy. He confidently told the police that nothing they could do would save the life of the Tsar. Alexander Kviatkovsky, another member of the assassination team, was arrested soon afterwards.

The conspirators decided to make their attack on 1st March, 1881. Sophia Perovskaya was worried that the Tsar would now change his route for his Sunday drive. She therefore gave the orders for bombers to he placed along the Ekaterinsky Canal. Grigory Isaev had laid a mine on Malaya Sadovaya Street and Anna Yakimova was to watch from the window of her flat and when she saw the carriage approaching give the signal to Mikhail Frolenko.

Tsar Alexander II decided to travel along the Ekaterinsky Canal. An armed Cossack sat with the coach-driver and another six Cossacks followed on horseback. Behind them came a group of police officers in sledges. Perovskaya, who was stationed at the intersection between the two routes, gave the signal to Nikolai Rysakov and Timofei Mikhailov to throw their bombs at the Tsar's carriage. The bombs missed the carriage and instead landed amongst the Cossacks. The Tsar was unhurt but insisted on getting out of the carriage to check the condition of the injured men. While he was standing with the wounded Cossacks another terrorist, Ignatei Grinevitski, threw his bomb. Alexander was killed instantly and the explosion was so great that Grinevitski also died from the bomb blast.

The terrorists quickly escaped from the scene and that evening assembled at the flat being rented by Vera Figner. She later recalled: "Everything was peaceful as I walked through the streets. But half an hour after I reached the apartment of some friends, a man appeared with the news that two crashes like cannon shots had rung out, that people were saying the sovereign had been killed, and that the oath was already being administered to the heir. I rushed outside. The streets were in turmoil: people were talking about the sovereign, about wounds, death, blood. I rushed back to my companions. I was so overwrought that I could barely summon the strength to stammer out that the Tsar had been killed. I was sobbing the nightmare that had weighed over Russia for so many years had been lifted. This moment was the recompense for all the brutalities and atrocities inflicted on hundreds and thousands of our people. The dawn of the New Russia was at hand! At that solemn moment all we could think of was the happy future of our country."

The evening after the assassination the Executive Committee of the People's Will sent an open letter announcing it was willing to negotiate with the authorities: "The inevitable alternatives are revolution or a voluntary transfer of power to the people. We turn to you as a citizen and a man of honour, and we demand: (i) amnesty for all political prisoners, (ii) the summoning of a representative assembly of the whole nation".

Nikolai Rysakov, one of the bombers was arrested at the scene of the crime. Sophia Perovskaya told her comrades: "I know Rysakov and he will say nothing." However, Rysakov was tortured by the Okhrana and was forced to give information on the other conspirators. The following day the police raided the flat being used by the terrorists. Gesia Gelfman was arrested but Nikolai Sablin committed suicide before he could be taken alive. Soon afterwards, Timofei Mikhailov, walked into the trap and was arrested.

Thousands of Cossacks were sent into St. Petersburg and roadblocks were set up, and all routes out of the city were barred. An arrest warrant was issued for Sophia Perovskaya. Her bodyguard, Tyrkov, claimed that she seemed to have "lost her mind" and refused to try and escape from the city. According to Tyrkov, her main concern was to develop a plan to rescue Andrei Zhelyabov from prison. She became depressed when on the 3rd March, the newspapers reported that Zhelyabov had claimed full responsibility for the assassination and therefore signing his own death warrant.

Perovskaya was arrested while walking along the Nevsky Prospect on 10th March. Later that month Nikolai Kibalchich, Grigory Isaev and Mikhail Frolenko were also arrested. However, other members of the conspiracy, including Vera Figner and Anna Yakimova, managed to escape from the city. Perovskaya was interrogated by Vyacheslav Plehve, the Director of the Police Department. She admitted her involvement in the assassination but refused to name any of her fellow conspirators.

The trial of Zhelyabov, Perovskaya, Kibalchich, Rysakov, Gelfman and Mikhailov, opened on 25th March, 1881. Prosecutor Muraviev read his immensely long speech that included the passage: "Cast out by men, accursed of their country, may they answer for their crimes before Almighty God! But peace and calm will be restored. Russia, humbling herself before the Will of that Providence which has led her through so sore a burning faith in her glorious future."

Prosecutor Muraviev concentrated his attack on Sophia Perovskaya: "We can imagine a political conspiracy we can imagine that this conspiracy uses the most cruel, amazing means we can imagine that a woman should be part of this conspiracy. But that a woman should lead a conspiracy, that she should take on herself all the details of the murder, that she should with cynical coldness place the bomb-throwers, draw a plan and show them where to stand that a woman should have become the life and soul of this conspiracy, should stand a few steps away from the place of the crime and admire the work of her own hands - any normal feelings of morality can have no understanding of such a role for women." Perovskaya replied: "I do not deny the charges, but I and my friends are accused of brutality, immorality and contempt for public opinion. I wish to say that anyone who knows our lives and the circumstances in which we have had to work would not accuse us of either immorality or brutality."

Sophia Perovskaya, Andrei Zhelyabov, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Rysakov, Gesia Gelfman and Timofei Mikhailov were all sentenced to death. Gelfman announced she was four months pregnant and it was decided to postpone her execution. Perovskaya, as a member of the high nobility, she could appeal against her sentence, however, she refused to do this. It was claimed that Rysakov had gone insane during interrogation. Kibalchich also showed signs that he was mentally unbalanced and talked constantly about a flying machine he had invented.

On 3rd April 1881, Zhelyabov, Perovskaya, Kibalchich, Rysakov and Mikhailov were given tea and handed their black execution clothes. A placard was hung round their necks with the word "Tsaricide" on it. Cathy Porter, the author of Fathers and Daughters: Russian Women in Revolution (1976), has pointed out: "Then the party set off. It was headed by the police carriage, followed by Zhelyabov and Rysakov. Sophia sat with Kibalchich and Mikhailov in the third tumbril. A pale wintry sun shone as the party moved slowly through the streets, already crowded with onlookers, most of them waving and shouting encouragement. High government officials and those wealthy enough to afford the tickets were sitting near to the scaffold that had been erected on Semenovsky Square. The irreplaceable Frolov, Russia's one and only executioner, fiddled drunkenly with the nooses, and Sophia and Zhelyabov were able to say a few last words to one another. The square was surrounded by twelve thousand troops and muffled drum beats sounded. Sophia and Zhelyabov kissed for the last time, then Mikhailov and Kibalchich kissed Sophia. Kibalchich was led to the gallows and hanged. Then it was Mikhailov's turn. Frolov was by now barely able to see straight and the rope broke three times under Mikhailov's weight." It was now Perovskaya's turn. "It's too tight" she told him as he struggled to tie the noose. She died straight away but Zhelyabov, whose noose had not been tight enough, died in agony.

Gesia Gelfman remained in prison. According to her friend, Olga Liubatovich: "Gesia languished under the threat of execution for five months finally her sentence was commuted, just before she was to deliver. At the hands of the authorities, the terrible act of childbirth became a case of torture unprecedented in human history. For the delivery, they transferred her to the House of Detention. The torments suffered by poor Gesia Gelfman exceeded those dreamed up by the executioners of the Middle Ages but Gesia didn't go mad - her constitution was too strong. The child was born live, and she was even able to nurse it." Soon after she gave birth her daughter was taken from her. Gelfman died five days later on 12th October, 1882.

Anna Yakimova, who was also pregnant, probably by Grigory Isaev, managed to escape to Kiev. She was soon arrested and she was tried alongside Isaev, Mikhail Frolenko, Tatiana Lebedeva and sixteen other party members. Although they were all found guilty, because of the international protests by Victor Hugo and other well-known figures, they were not sentenced to death. Instead they were sent to Trubetskov Dungeon. As Cathy Porter has pointed out: "Those sentenced in the Trial of the 20 were sent to the Trubetskov Dungeon, one of the most horrible of Russian prisons. Few survived the ordeal torture and rape were everyday occurrences in the dungeons, through whose soundproofed walls little information reached the outside world. After a year in Trubetskoy, during which most of the prisoners had died or committed suicide."

Vera Figner was the one remaining leader of the People's Will who initially escaped capture. She claimed that the "harvest was plentiful, the reapers were few". She tried to recruit "reapers" but with little success. Geoffrey Hosking, the author of A History of the Soviet Union (1985), wrote that ultimately the efforts of the People Will ended in failure: "In 1881 it actually succeeded in assassinating the Emperor Alexander II. But setting up a different regime, or even putting effective pressure on Alexander's successor - that proved beyond their capacities. Their victory was a pyrrhic one: all it produced was more determined repression.

Vera Figner was arrested on 10th February 1883. Tsar Alexander III commented, "Thank God that terrible woman has been caught." The year she spent in pretrial imprisonment in the Peter and Paul Fortress was spent learning English and writing her memoirs. She was interrogated by Vyacheslav Plehve, Director of the Police Department and Dmitry Tolstoy, the Minister of the Interior. Tolstoy told her: "What a pity there is so little time or I would have been able to convince you of the uselessness of terror." She replied "I am sorry sorry too. I expect I would have been able to turn you into a narodovolnik."

Figner's trial began on 28th September, 1884. She was found guilty and sentenced to death. However, it was commuted at the last moment to life imprisonment in the Schlusselberg Fortress. According to one source the "solitary confinement and semi-starvation in airless unheated cells was the nearest conceivable approximation of death." Figner wrote that: "The strain under which I had been living during my years of freedom, which had before been subdued and repressed, now left me there was no task for my will, and the human being woke within me."

Figner was released in 1904 and joined the Socialist Revolutionaries but left after discovering that Evno Azef had been working as a double agent. Figner welcomed the Russian Revolution in 1917 and for a short time worked for the People's Commissariat for Social Security under Alexandra Kollontai. She also joined the Writers' Union when it was formed in 1924.

In 1927 she published an autobiography, Memoirs of a Revolutionary. By this time she was highly critical of Joseph Stalin and Victor Serge later revealed that Figner was closely watched by the Communist Secret Police and for many years was in danger of being arrested.


Narodnaya Volya

Narodnaya Volya (Народная Воля in Russian, known as People’s Will in English) was a Russian organization it was a supporter of the political struggle against autocracy. It created a centralized, well disguised, and most significant organization in a time of diverse liberation movements in Russia. Narodnaya Volya was led by its Executive Committee: Alexander Mikhailov, Aleksandr Kvyatkovsky, Andrei Zhelyabov, Sophia Perovskaya, Vera Figner, Nikolai Morozov, Mikhail Frolenko, Lev Tikhomirov, Alexander Barannikov, Anna Yakimova, Maria Oshanina and others.

The Executive Committee was in charge of a network of local and special groups (composed of workers, students, and members of the military). In 1879&ndash1883, Narodnaya Volya had affiliates in almost 50 cities, especially in Ukraine and the Volga region. Though the number of its members never exceeded 500, Narodnaya Volya had a few thousand followers.

Unless indicated otherwise, the text in this article is either based on Wikipedia article "Narodnaya Volya" or another language Wikipedia page thereof used under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License or on research by Jahsonic and friends. See Art and Popular Culture's copyright notice.


ExecutedToday.com

On this date in 1880,* Russian revolutionaries Alexander Kvyatkovsky and Andrei Presnyakov were hanged at St. Petersburg’s Peter and Paul Fortress.


Kvyatkovsky (left) and Presnyakov.

Kvyatkovsky, 28, and Presnyakov, 24, had each spent the whole of their brief adulthoods agitating, police ever at their heels. As Russia’s “season of terror” opened in the late 1870s, both immediately cast their lot with the violent Narodnaya Volya movement. They were found by police at their respective arrests to have each had more than a passing interest in Narodnaya Volya’s ongoing project to assassinate Tsar Alexander II — an objective that it would indeed achieve a few months later.

Their fellow-traveler Mikhail Frolenko would remember the mass trial they featured at not for any glorious martyr-making but as a propaganda debacle for his movement.

The Trial of the Sixteen** in October 1880 was a model of judicial procedure — the government had learned, planned carefully and conducted the trial with absolute decorum. The sixteen accused included three of the most important figures in the Movement: Shiraev, who had been arrested in Moscow a year before with two suitcases of dynamite, Presnyakov and Kvyatkovsky. The last two were old friends of Andrei Zhelyabov. The evidence against the accused was provided by Grigory Goldenberg the prosecution’s case was unanswerable. The sixteen were allowed to address the court and their speeches were reported. The prosecutors questioned them with a mix of deliberate courtesy and provocation: the sixteen were given enough rope to hang themselves. They followed no clear line and contradicted each other on endless details. They improvised counter-accusations, became mired in irrelevancies, and exploded in fits of petulance. They made a miserable impression, highlighted at every stage by the correctness of the proceedings. In its sentence the court was lenient, another propaganda victory: fourteen were sentenced to hard labor two, Presnyakov and Kvyatkovsky, were sentenced to be hanged. We lost sixteen good people, which was bad enough. But worse was our irreparable loss of public esteem. One small sign of this was the fate of the word terror. Hitherto we had freely called ourselves terrorists it had much the same ring as revolutionary. Terror was simply the first phase of the revolution. Overnight the word became a term of abuse and the exclusive property of the government. That alone might have told us we were following the wrong path. (Excerpted from Saturn’s Daughters: The Birth of Terrorism

Kvyatkovsky’s son, also named Alexander, was a Bolshevik close to Lenin in the early Soviet years.

* November 16 by the Gregorian calendar it was still November 4 by the archaic Julian calendar still then in use in the Russian Empire.

** Not to be confused with at least two distinct Soviet-era mass trials also respectively designated the “Trial of the Sixteen”.

On this day..

Possibly related executions:

1864: Nikolay Chernyshevsky’s “civil execution”

On this date in 1864, the Russian writer Nikolay Chernyshevsky was publicly executed in St. Petersburg.

Then he was shipped to Siberia.

Chernyshevsky’s punishment was only a pantomime “civil execution,” somewhat akin to the symbolic executions by effigy elsewhere in Europe. In this case, the faux death penalty was imposed not upon a peeling portrait but on Chernyshevsky’s actual person: “The hangmen led Chernyshevsky to the scaffold on Mytninskaya Square in St. Petersburg, made him kneel down, broke a sword over his head and then chained him to the pillory. Chernyshevsky stood calmly under the rain waiting for this mockery to come to an end.” (Source)

The pillory, exposed to the hoots and brickbats of an offended populace, was supposed to be a humiliation to its sufferer occasionally, it even proved lethal. Not so for Chernyshevsky: the crowd stood silently. Someone threw a bouquet of flowers.

This ludicrous theater was enacted to punish Chernyshevsky for his leadership of the St. Petersburg intellectual circle that gave birth to the Narodnik movement. Literally “going to the people,” this was a peasant-focused populist-democratic-socialist philosophy paradoxically germinated among Russia’s small coterie of intellectual elites.

Think Marxism for a feudal society here: the Narodnik adaptation was the hope that Russia’s vast peasantry could be roused to serve the part of a revolutionary working class, and skip Russia directly to a socialism still preserving communal traditions unsullied by that interim period wherein (per Marx in the Communist Manifesto) capitalism had “pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties … [and] left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest.”

This is why Chernyshevsky and the Narodniks viewed the “emancipation” of serfs of 1861 with a gimlet eye: it was a shift towards capitalist property relations, in which the feudal shackles were merely replaced with new, and heavier irons. Chernyshevsky subversively urged his “emancipated” countrymen to view the move as a heist.

It is of course unlikely that many of the actual peasant malcontents stirred up in the wake of the emancipation perused Chernyshevsky’s “To the Manorial Peasants from Their Well-Wishers, Greetings”. But other bourgeois radicals who did read that sort of thing would in due time — after the suppression of the Narodniki in the 1860s and 1870s drove its underground remnants to terrorism — spawn the revolutionary network Narodnaya Volya, and assassinate the tsar who enacted that emancipation, Alexander II.

Chernyshevsky was more a writer than a fighter. He spent his pre-“execution” imprisonment in Peter and Paul Fortress forging his definitive contribution to the movement — the novel What Is To Be Done?.*

(Our own Sonechka regards What Is To Be Done? as quite possibly Russia’s single worst literary product, but the didactic novel imagined (in the dreams of its principal character, Vera Pavlovna) an egalitarian future, including for women. Chernyshevsky himself wrote that he “possess[ed] not one bit of artistic talent … any merit to be found in my tale is due entirely to its truthfulness.”)

Whatever its artistic shortcomings, What Is To Be Done? entered the revolutionary literary canon. Vladmir Ilyich Ulyanov — better known as Lenin — wasn’t even born until 1870 but as a young man he admired What Is To Be Done? In 1902 Lenin himself published a political pamphlet under that same title.

Far less impressed were the likes of Dostoyevsky, himself a former radical who also underwent mock execution in his time. Unlike Chernyshevsky, Dostoyevsky apostasized from his revolutionary credo Dostoyevsky’s 1864 Notes from the Underground is “a bitter artistic answer” to (and in several spots a direct parody of) Chernyshevsky’s magnum opus.

* What Is To Be Done? responds to Turgenev‘s Fathers And Sons. A previous Narodnik classic by Alexander Herzen asked the parallel question Who Is To Blame?.


ExecutedToday.com

On this date in 1880,* Russian revolutionaries Alexander Kvyatkovsky and Andrei Presnyakov were hanged at St. Petersburg’s Peter and Paul Fortress.


Kvyatkovsky (left) and Presnyakov.

Kvyatkovsky, 28, and Presnyakov, 24, had each spent the whole of their brief adulthoods agitating, police ever at their heels. As Russia’s “season of terror” opened in the late 1870s, both immediately cast their lot with the violent Narodnaya Volya movement. They were found by police at their respective arrests to have each had more than a passing interest in Narodnaya Volya’s ongoing project to assassinate Tsar Alexander II — an objective that it would indeed achieve a few months later.

Their fellow-traveler Mikhail Frolenko would remember the mass trial they featured at not for any glorious martyr-making but as a propaganda debacle for his movement.

The Trial of the Sixteen** in October 1880 was a model of judicial procedure — the government had learned, planned carefully and conducted the trial with absolute decorum. The sixteen accused included three of the most important figures in the Movement: Shiraev, who had been arrested in Moscow a year before with two suitcases of dynamite, Presnyakov and Kvyatkovsky. The last two were old friends of Andrei Zhelyabov. The evidence against the accused was provided by Grigory Goldenberg the prosecution’s case was unanswerable. The sixteen were allowed to address the court and their speeches were reported. The prosecutors questioned them with a mix of deliberate courtesy and provocation: the sixteen were given enough rope to hang themselves. They followed no clear line and contradicted each other on endless details. They improvised counter-accusations, became mired in irrelevancies, and exploded in fits of petulance. They made a miserable impression, highlighted at every stage by the correctness of the proceedings. In its sentence the court was lenient, another propaganda victory: fourteen were sentenced to hard labor two, Presnyakov and Kvyatkovsky, were sentenced to be hanged. We lost sixteen good people, which was bad enough. But worse was our irreparable loss of public esteem. One small sign of this was the fate of the word terror. Hitherto we had freely called ourselves terrorists it had much the same ring as revolutionary. Terror was simply the first phase of the revolution. Overnight the word became a term of abuse and the exclusive property of the government. That alone might have told us we were following the wrong path. (Excerpted from Saturn’s Daughters: The Birth of Terrorism

Kvyatkovsky’s son, also named Alexander, was a Bolshevik close to Lenin in the early Soviet years.

* November 16 by the Gregorian calendar it was still November 4 by the archaic Julian calendar still then in use in the Russian Empire.

** Not to be confused with at least two distinct Soviet-era mass trials also respectively designated the “Trial of the Sixteen”.

On this day..

Possibly related executions:

1882: Stepan Khalturin, Winter Palace bomber

On this date in 1882* Stepan Khalturin** was hanged in Odessa, Ukraine … but not for his most (in)famous crime.

Khalturin (English Wikipedia entry | Russian) came from a well-off peasant family near the city of Vyatka (today, Kirov it was renamed for an assassinated Bolshevik). As a young carpenter in 1870s St. Petersburg, he fell in with revolutionary circles and became a distinguished propagandist and organizer. Khalturin helped found the first political labor labor organization in Russia, the “Northern Russian Workers’ Union”.

He’s said by other leftist agitators who knew him to have “persuaded his student workers with tears in his eyes to continue propagandizing, but in no event go down the path of terror. From this, there is no return.”

If that used to be his sentiment, Khalturin’s thinking … evolved.

By February 1880, Khalturin was for all intents and purposes in on the terrorism strategy. He took advantage of a workman’s gig at the Winter Palace to pack the cellar full of dynamite,&dagger two floors below the imperial dining room.

But Tsar Alexander II and party had not yet returned when it blew. Eleven people, mostly guardsmen in the intervening room below the dining hall, died in the blast dozens of others were injured.

Khalturin watched in frustration from the iron gates of the Winter Palace, and slipped away — never detected. His co-conspirator Zhelyabov consoled him with the prospects of mass recruitment sure to be unleashed by this spectacular propaganda of the deed. “An explosion in the king’s lair — the first attack on the autocracy! Your deed will live forever.” (Russian source)

The tsar, at any rate, was running out of luck.

A year later, Narodnaya Volya finally succeeded in assassinating Alexander II in St. Petersburg. Zhelyabov and five others hanged for that.

Khalturin wasn’t involved in that plot: he had escaped to Odessa.

There, he shot a police officer named Strelnikov. He was captured and hanged under a bogus alias, nobody realizing that they were also executing the mysterious Winter Palace bomber.

Unusually considering Lenin’s distaste for terrorism and Narodnaya Volya, Khalturin was elevated in post-Soviet times into an officially-approved revolutionary exemplar. The street Millionnaya running to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg was cheekily renamed for him (it’s subsequently been changed back). Public monuments went up for the bomber, especially in the environs of his native soil around Kirov.

* April 3 by the Gregorian calendar March 22 by the Julian calendar still in use in 19th century Russia.

** Appropriately given Khalturin’s Winter Palace work, khaltura is Russian for an item of shoddy construction. The word has no etymological connection to our man, however. (Linguistic tip courtesy of Sonechka.)

&dagger He was able to manage the feat by bringing in explosives little by little and secreting them in the room where he bunked on-site.


Se videoen: The Script feat. - Hall of fame - Acoustic Music Video - Veronika Zhukova (Juli 2022).


Kommentarer:

  1. Jaisen

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  3. Sorel

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  4. Dracul

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  5. Mitcbel

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